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Friday, August 23, 2013

Friday, December 16, 2011

Quaid-E-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah (The Founder of Pakistan)


Introduction

Pakistan, one of the largest Muslim states in the world, is a living and exemplary monument of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. With his untiring efforts, indomitable will, and dauntless courage, he united the Indian Muslims under the banner of the Muslim League and carved out a homeland for them, despite stiff opposition from the Hindu Congress and the British Government.
Recognition by various personalities

Quaid-e-Azam - Mizar-e-QuaidThe Aga Khan considered him "the greatest man he ever met", Beverley Nichols, the author of `Verdict on India', called him "the most important man in Asia", and Dr. Kailashnath Katju, the West Bengal Governor in 1948, thought of him as "an outstanding figure of this century not only in India, but in the whole world". While Abdul Rahman Azzam Pasha, Secretary General of the Arab League, called him "one of the greatest leaders in the Muslim world", the Grand Mufti of Palestine considered his death as a "great loss" to the entire world of Islam.

It was, however, given to Surat Chandra Bose, leader of the Forward Bloc wing of the Indian National Congress, to sum up succinctly his personal and political achievements.

"Mr Jinnah", he said on his death in 1948, "was great as a lawyer, once great as a Congressman, great as a leader of Muslims, great as a world politician and diplomat, and greatest of all as a man of action, By Mr. Jinnah's passing away, the world has lost one of the greatest statesmen and Pakistan its life-giver, philosopher and guide".

Such was Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the man and his mission, such the range of his accomplishments and achievements.
Father of the Nation Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah's achievement as the founder of Pakistan, dominates everything else he did in his long and crowded public life spanning some 42 years. Yet, by any standard, his was an eventful life, his personality multidimensional and his achievements in other fields were many, if not equally great. Indeed, several were the roles he had played with distinction: at one time or another, he was one of the greatest legal luminaries India had produced during the first half of the century, an `ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity, a great constitutionalist, a distinguished parliamentarian, a top-notch politician, an indefatigable freedom-fighter, a dynamic Muslim leader, a political strategist and, above all one of the great nation-builders of modern times.

What, however, makes him so remarkable is the fact that while similar other leaders assumed the leadership of traditionally well-defined nations and espoused their cause, or led them to freedom, he created a nation out of an inchoate and down-trodeen minority and established a cultural and national home for it. And all that within a decase. For over three decades before the successful culmination in 1947, of the Muslim struggle for freedom in the South-Asian subcontinent, Jinnah had provided political leadership to the Indian Muslims: initially as one of the leaders, but later, since 1947, as the only prominent leader- the Quaid-i-Azam.

For over thirty years, he had guided their affairs; he had given expression, coherence and direction to their ligitimate aspirations and cherished dreams; he had formulated these into concerete demands; and, above all, he had striven all the while to get them conceded by both the ruling British and the numerous Hindus the dominant segment of India's population. And for over thirty years he had fought, relentlessly and inexorably, for the inherent rights of the Muslims for an honourable existence in the subcontinent. Indeed, his life story constitutes, as it were, the story of the rebirth of the Muslims of the subcontinent and their spectacular rise to nationhood, phoenixlike.

Early Life

Quaid-e-Azam - Early LifeBorn on December 25, 1876, in a prominent mercantile family in Karachi and educated at the Sindh Madrassat-ul-Islam and the Christian Mission School at his birth place, Jinnah joined the Lincoln's Inn in 1893 to become the youngest Indian to be called to the Bar, three years later. Starting out in the legal profession withknothing to fall back upon except his native ability and determination, young Jinnah rose to prominence and became Bombay's most successful lawyer, as few did, within a few years. Once he was firmly established in the legal profession, Jinnah formally entered politics in 1905 from the platform of the Indian National Congress.

He went to England in that year alongwith Gopal Krishna Gokhale (1866-1915), as a member of a Congress delegation to plead the cause of Indian self-governemnt during the British elections. A year later, he served as Secretary to Dadabhai Noaroji (1825-1917), the then Indian National Congress President, which was considered a great honour for a budding politician. Here, at the Calcutta Congress session (December 1906), he also made his first political speech in support of the resolution on self-government.

Political Career

Three years later, in January 1910, Jinnah was elected to the newly-constituted Imperial Legislative Council. All through his parliamentary career, which spanned some four decades, he was probably the most powerful voice in the cause of Indian freedom and Indian rights. Jinnah, who was also the first Indian to pilot a private member's Bill through the Council, soon became a leader of a group inside the legislature.

Mr. Montagu (1879-1924), Secretary of State for India, at the close of the First World War, considered Jinnah "perfect mannered, impressive-looking, armed to the teeth with dialecties..."Jinnah, he felt, "is a very clever man, and it is, of course, an outrage that such a man should have no chance of running the affairs of his own country."

For about three decades since his entry into politics in 1906, Jinnah passionately believed in and assiduously worked for Hindu-Muslim unity. Gokhale, the foremost Hindu leader before Gandhi, had once said of him, "He has the true stuff in him and that freedom from all sectarian prejudice which will make him the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim Unity: And, to be sure, he did become the architect of Hindu-Muslim Unity: he was responsible for the Congress-League Pact of 1916, known popularly as Lucknow Pact- the only pact ever signed between the two political organisations, the Congress and the All-India Muslim League, representing, as they did, the two major communities in the subcontinent."

The Congress-League scheme embodied in this pact was to become the basis for the Montagu-Chemlsford Reforms, also known as the Act of 1919. In retrospect, the Lucknow Pact represented a milestone in the evolution of Indian politics. For one thing, it conceded Muslims the right to separate electorate, reservation of seats in the legislatures and weightage in representation both at the Centre and the minority provinces. Thus, their retention was ensured in the next phase of reforms.

For another, it represented a tacit recognition of the All-India Muslim League as the representative organisation of the Muslims, thus strengthening the trend towards Muslim individuality in Indian politics. And to Jinnah goes the credit for all this. Thus, by 1917, Jinnah came to be recognised among both Hindus and Muslims as one of India's most outstanding political leaders. Not only was he prominent in the Congress and the Imperial Legislative Council, he was also the President of the All-India Muslim and that of lthe Bombay Branch of the Home Rule League. More important, because of his key-role in the Congress-League entente at Lucknow, he was hailed as the ambassador, as well as the embodiment, of Hindu-Muslim unity.

Constitutional Struggle

In subsequent years, however, he felt dismayed at the injection of violence into politics. Since Jinnah stood for "ordered progress", moderation, gradualism and constitutionalism, he felt that political terrorism was not the pathway to national liberation but, the dark alley to disaster and destruction. Hence, the constitutionalist Jinnah could not possibly, countenance Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi's novel methods of Satyagrah (civil disobedience) and the triple boycott of government-aided schools and colleges, courts and councils and British textiles. Earlier, in October 1920, when Gandhi, having been elected President of the Home Rule League, sought to change its constitution as well as its nomenclature, Jinnah had resigned from the Home Rule League, saying: "Your extreme programme has for the moment struck the imagination mostly of the inexperienced youth and the ignorant and the illiterate. All this means disorganisation and choas". Jinnah did not believe that ends justified the means.

Quaid-e-Azam Constitutional StruggleIn the ever-growing frustration among the masses caused by colonial rule, there was ample cause for extremism. But, Gandhi's doctrine of non-cooperation, Jinnah felt, even as Rabindranath Tagore (1861-1941) did also feel, was at best one of negation and despair: it might lead to the building up of resentment, but nothing constructive. Hence, he opposed tooth and nail the tactics adopted by Gandhi to exploit the Khilafat and wrongful tactics in the Punjab in the early twenties. On the eve of its adoption of the Gandhian programme, Jinnah warned the Nagpur Congress Session (1920): "you are making a declaration (of Swaraj within a year) and committing the Indian National Congress to a programme, which you will not be able to carry out". He felt that there was no short-cut to independence and that Gandhi's extra-constitutional methods could only lead to political terrorism, lawlessness and chaos, without bringing India nearer to the threshold of freedom.

The future course of events was not only to confirm Jinnah's worst fears, but also to prove him right. Although Jinnah left the Congress soon thereafter, he continued his efforts towards bringing about a Hindu-Muslim entente, which he rightly considered "the most vital condition of Swaraj".

However, because of the deep distrust between the two communities as evidenced by the country-wide communal riots, and because the Hindus failed to meet the genuine demands of the Muslims, his efforts came to naught. One such effort was the formulation of the Delhi Muslim Proposals in March, 1927. In order to bridge Hindu-Muslim differences on the constitutional plan, these proposals even waived the Muslim right to separate electorate, the most basic Muslim demand since 1906, which though recognised by the congress in the Lucknow Pact, had again become a source of friction between the two communities. surprisingly though, the Nehru Report (1928), which represented the Congress-sponsored proposals for the future constitution of India, negated the minimum Muslim demands embodied in the Delhi Muslim Proposals.

In vain did Jinnah argue at the National convention (1928): "What we want is that Hindus and Mussalmans should march together until our object is achieved...These two communities have got to be reconciled and united and made to feel that their interests are common". The Convention's blank refusal to accept Muslim demands represented the most devastating setback to Jinnah's life-long efforts to bring about Hindu-Muslim unity, it meant "the last straw" for the Muslims, and "the parting of the ways" for him, as he confessed to a Parsee friend at that time.

Jinnah's disillusionment at the course of politics in the subcontinent prompted him to migrate and settle down in London in the early thirties. He was, however, to return to India in 1934, at the pleadings of his co-religionists, and assume their leadership. But, the Muslims presented a sad spectacle at that time. They were a mass of disgruntled and demoralised men and women, politically disorganised and destitute of a clear-cut political programme.

Reorganization of Muslim League

Thus, the task that awaited Jinnah was anything but easy. The Muslim League was dormant: primary branches it had none; even its provincial organizations were, for the most part, ineffective and only nominally under the control of the central organization. Nor did the central body have any coherent policy of its own till the Bombay session (1936), which Jinnah organized. To make matters worse, the provincial scene presented a sort of a jigsaw puzzle: in the Punjab, Bengal, Sindh, the North West Frontier, Assam, Bihar and the United Provinces, various Muslim leaders had set up their own provincial parties to serve their personal ends. Extremely frustrating as the situation was, the only consultation Jinnah had at this juncture was in Allama Iqbal (1877-1938), the poet-philosopher, who stood steadfast by him and helped to charter the course of Indian politics from behind the scene.

Undismayed by this bleak situation, Jinnah devoted himself with singleness of purpose to organizing the Muslims on one platform. He embarked upon country-wide tours. He pleaded with provincial Muslim leaders to sink their differences and make common cause with the League. He exhorted the Muslim masses to organize themselves and join the League. He gave coherence and direction to Muslim sentiments on the Government of India Act, 1935. He advocated that the Federal Scheme should be scrapped as it was subversive of India's cherished goal of complete responsible Government, while the provincial scheme, which conceded provincial autonomy for the first time, should be worked for what it was worth, despite its certain objectionable features. He also formulated a viable League manifesto for the election scheduled for early 1937. He was, it seemed, struggling against time to make Muslim India a power to be reckoned with.

Despite all the manifold odds stacked against it, the Muslim League won some 108 (about 23 per cent) seats out of a total of 485 Muslim seats in the various legislature. Though not very impressive in itself, the League's partial success assumed added significance in view of the fact that the League won the largest number of Muslim seats and that it was the only all-India party of the Muslims in the country. Thus, the elections represented the first milestone on the long road to putting Muslim India on the map of the subcontinent. Congress in Power With the year 1937 opened the most mementoes decade in modern Indian history. In that year came into force the provincial part of the Government of India Act, 1935, granting autonomy to Indians for the first time, in the provinces.

The Congress, having become the dominant party in Indian politics, came to power in seven provinces exclusively, spurning the League's offer of cooperation, turning its back finally on the coalition idea and excluding Muslims as a political entity from the portals of power. In that year, also, the Muslim League, under Jinnah's dynamic leadership, was reorganized de novo, transformed into a mass organization, and made the spokesman of Indian Muslims as never before. Above all, in that momentous year were initiated certain trends in Indian politics, the crystallization of which in subsequent years made the partition of the subcontinent inevitable.

The practical manifestation of the policy of the Congress which took office in July, 1937, in seven out of eleven provinces, convinced Muslims that, in the Congress scheme of things, they could live only on sufferance of Hindus and as "second class" citizens. The Congress provincial governments, it may be remembered, had embarked upon a policy and launched a PROGRAMME in which Muslims felt that their religion, language and culture were not safe. This blatantly aggressive Congress policy was seized upon by Jinnah to awaken the Muslims to a new consciousness, organize them on all-India platform, and make them a power to be reckoned with. He also gave coherence, direction and articulation to their innermost, yet vague, urges and aspirations. Above all, the filled them with his indomitable will, his own unflinching faith in their destiny.

The New Awakening

As a result of Jinnah's ceaseless efforts, the Muslims awakened from what Professor Baker calls (their) "unreflective silence" (in which they had so complacently basked for long decades), and to "the spiritual essence of nationality" that had existed among them for a pretty long time. Roused by the impact of successive Congress hammerings, the Muslims, as Ambedkar (principal author of independent India's Constitution) says, "searched their social consciousness in a desperate attempt to find coherent and meaningful articulation to their cherished yearnings. To their great relief, they discovered that their sentiments of nationality had flamed into nationalism". In addition, not only had they developed" the will to live as a "nation", had also endowed them with a territory which they could occupy and make a State as well as a cultural home for the newly discovered nation.

These two pre-requisites, as laid down by Renan, provided the Muslims with the intellectual justification for claiming a distinct nationalism (apart from Indian or Hindu nationalism) for themselves. So that when, after their long pause, the Muslims gave expression to their innermost yearnings, these turned out to be in favor of a separate Muslim nationhood and of a separate Muslim state.

Demand for Pakistan - "We are a nation"

"We are a nation", they claimed in the ever eloquent words of the Quaid-i-Azam.

"We are a nation with our own distinctive culture and civilization, language and literature, art and architecture, names and nomenclature, sense of values and proportion, legal laws and moral code, customs and calendar, history and tradition, aptitudes and ambitions; in short, we have our own distinctive outlook on life and of life. By all canons of international law, we are a nation".

The formulation of the Muslim demand for Pakistan in 1940 had a tremendous impact on the nature and course of Indian politics. On the one hand, it shattered for ever the Hindu dreams of a pseudo-Indian, in fact, Hindu empire on British exit from India: on the other, it heralded an era of Islamic renaissance and creativity in which the Indian Muslims were to be active participants. The Hindu reaction was quick, bitter, malicious.

Equally hostile were the British to the Muslim demand, their hostility having stemmed from their belief that the unity of India was their main achievement and their foremost contribution. The irony was that both the Hindus and the British had not anticipated the astonishingly tremendous response that the Pakistan demand had elicited from the Muslim masses. Above all, they failed to realize how a hundred million people had suddenly become supremely conscious of their distinct nationhood and their high destiny.

In channelling the course of Muslim politics towards Pakistan, no less than in directing it towards its consummation in the establishment of Pakistan in 1947, non played a more decisive role than did Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. It was his powerful advocacy of the case of Pakistan and his remarkable strategy in the delicate negotiations, that followed the formulation of the Pakistan demand, particularly in the post-war period, that made Pakistan inevitable.

Cripps Scheme

While the British reaction to the Pakistan demand came in the form of the Cripps offer of April, 1942, which conceded the principle of self-determination to provinces on a territorial basis, the Rajaji Formula (called after the eminent Congress leader C.Rajagopalacharia, which became the basis of prolonged Jinnah-Gandhi talks in September, 1944), represented the Congress alternative to Pakistan.

The Cripps offer was rejected because it did not concede the Muslim demand the whole way, while the Rajaji Formula was found unacceptable since it offered a "moth-eaten, mutilated" Pakistan and the too appended with a plethora of pre-conditions which made its emergence in any shape remote, if not altogether impossible. Cabinet Mission The most delicate as well as the most tortuous negotiations, however, took place during 1946-47, after the elections which showed that the country was sharply and somewhat evenly divided between two parties- the Congress and the League- and that the central issue in Indian politics was Pakistan.

These negotiations began with the arrival, in March 1946, of a three-member British Cabinet Mission. The crucial task with which the Cabinet Mission was entrusted was that of devising in consultation with the various political parties, a constitution-making machinery, and of setting up a popular interim government. But, because the Congress-League gulf could not be bridged, despite the Mission's (and the Viceroy's) prolonged efforts, the Mission had to make its own proposals in May 1946.

Cabinet Mission Plan

These proposals stipulated a limited centre, supreme only in foreign affairs, defense and communications and three autonomous groups of provinces. Two of these groups were to have Muslim majorities in the north-west and the north-east of the subcontinent, while the third one, comprising the Indian mainland, was to have a Hindu majority. A consummate statesman that he was, Jinnah saw his chance. He interpreted the clauses relating to a limited centre and the grouping as "the foundation of Pakistan", and induced the Muslim League Council to accept the Plan in June 1946; and this he did much against the calculations of the Congress and to its utter dismay.

Tragically though, the League's acceptance was put down to its supposed weakness and the Congress put up a posture of defiance, designed to swamp the League into submitting to its dictates and its interpretations of the plan. Faced thus, what alternative had Jinnah and the League but to rescind their earlier acceptance, reiterate and reaffirm their original stance, and decide to launch direct action (if need be) to wrest Pakistan. The way Jinnah maneuvered to turn the tide of events at a time when all seemed lost indicated, above all, his masterly grasp of the situation and his adeptness at making strategic and tactical moves.

Partition Plan By the close of 1946, the communal riots had flared up to murderous heights, engulfing almost the entire subcontinent. The two peoples, it seemed, were engaged in a fight to the finish. The time for a peaceful transfer of power was fast running out. Realizing the gravity of the situation. His Majesty's Government sent down to India a new Viceroy- Lord Mountbatten. His protracted negotiations with the various political leaders resulted in 3 June (1947) Plan by which the British decided to partition the subcontinent, and hand over power to two successor States on 15 August, 1947. The plan was duly accepted by the three Indian parties to the dispute- the Congress the League and the Akali Dal (representing the Sikhs).


Leader of a Free Nation

Quaid-e-Azam - Governor-General of PakistanIn recognition of his singular contribution, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah was nominated by the Muslim League as the Governor-General of Pakistan, while the Congress appointed Mountbatten as India's first Governor-General. Pakistan, it has been truly said, was born in virtual chaos.

Indeed, few nations in the world have started on their career with less resources and in more treacherous circumstances. The new nation did not inherit a central government, a capital, an administrative core, or an organized defense force. Its social and administrative resources were poor; there was little equipment and still less statistics. The Punjab holocaust had left vast areas in a shambles with communications disrupted. This, along with the en masse migration of the Hindu and Sikh business and managerial classes, left the economy almost shattered.

The treasury was empty, India having denied Pakistan the major share of its cash balances. On top of all this, the still unorganized nation was called upon to feed some eight million refugees who had fled the insecurities and barbarities of the north Indian plains that long, hot summer. If all this was symptomatic of Pakistan's administrative and economic weakness, the Indian annexation, through military action in November 1947, of Junagadh (which had originally acceded to Pakistan) and the Kashmir war over the State's accession (October 1947-December 1948) exposed her military weakness. In the circumstances, therefore, it was nothing short of a miracle that Pakistan survived at all. That it survived and forged ahead was mainly due to one man-Mohammad Ali Jinnah. The nation desperately needed in the person of a charismatic leader at that critical juncture in the nation's history, and he fulfilled that need profoundly. After all, he was more than a mere Governor-General: he was the Quaid-i-Azam who had brought the State into being.

In the ultimate analysis, his very presence at the helm of affairs was responsible for enabling the newly born nation to overcome the terrible crisis on the morrow of its cataclysmic birth. He mustered up the immense prestige and the unquestioning loyalty he commanded among the people to energize them, to raise their morale, land directed the profound feelings of patriotism that the freedom had generated, along constructive channels. Though tired and in poor health, Jinnah yet carried the heaviest part of the burden in that first crucial year. He laid down the policies of the new state, called attention to the immediate problems confronting the nation and told the members of the Constituent Assembly, the civil servants and the Armed Forces what to do and what the nation expected of them.


He saw to it that law and order was maintained at all costs, despite the provocation that the large-scale riots in north India had provided. He moved from Karachi to Lahore for a while and supervised the immediate refugee problem in the Punjab. In a time of fierce excitement, he remained sober, cool and steady. He advised his excited audience in Lahore to concentrate on helping the refugees, to avoid retaliation, exercise restraint and protect the minorities. He assured the minorities of a fair deal, assuaged their inured sentiments, and gave them hope and comfort. He toured the various provinces, attended to their particular problems and instilled in the people a sense of belonging.

He reversed the British policy in the North-West Frontier and ordered the withdrawal of the troops from the tribal territory of Waziristan, thereby making the Pathans feel themselves an integral part of Pakistan's body-politics. He created a new Ministry of States and Frontier Regions, and assumed responsibility for ushering in a new era in Balochistan. He settled the controversial question of the states of Karachi, secured the accession of States, especially of Kalat which seemed problematical and carried on negotiations with Lord Mountbatten for the settlement of the Kashmir Issue.
The Quaid's Last Message

It was, therefore, with a sense of supreme satisfaction at the fulfillment of his mission that Jinnah told the nation in his last message on 14 August, 1948:

"The foundations of your State have been laid and it is now for you to build and build as quickly and as well as you can". In accomplishing the task he had taken upon himself on the morrow of Pakistan's birth, Jinnah had worked himself to death, but he had, to quote richard Symons, "contributed more than any other man to Pakistan's survivial".

He died on 11 September, 1948. How true was Lord Pethick Lawrence, the former Secretary of State for India, when he said, "Gandhi died by the hands of an assassin; Jinnah died by his devotion to Pakistan".

A man such as Jinnah, who had fought for the inherent rights of his people all through his life and who had taken up the somewhat unconventional and the largely misinterpreted cause of Pakistan, was bound to generate violent opposition and excite implacable hostility and was likely to be largely misunderstood. But what is most remarkable about Jinnah is that he was the recipient of some of the greatest tributes paid to any one in modern times, some of them even from those who held a diametrically opposed viewpoint.

The Courageous Pakistan Army Stand on the Eastern Front: An Untold Story of 1971 Indo-Pak War

THERE is much for Pakistan to come to terms with what happened in 1971. But the answers don’t lie in unthinking vilification of the fighting men who performed so well in the war against such heavy odds in defence of the national policy. Rather, in failing to honour them, the nation dishonours itself.

My introduction to international politics was 1971, as a schoolgirl in Calcutta. Many images from that year are still etched in my mind, but the culminating one was the photo on Ramna racecourse of two men sitting at a table — the smart, turbaned Sikh, ‘our’ war-hero, Jagjit Singh Aurora, and the large man in a beret, A A K Niazi, commander of the other side, signing the instrument of surrender. Nearly a generation later, a chance interview for the BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation) with Lt Gen. Aurora took me back to 1971. The interview was not about 1971, but about injustices suffered by Sikhs at the hands of the state General Aurora had served. I thought he was a bigger hero for what he had to say then. That view was reinforced as I read — with incredulity — the disparaging remarks by other Indian officers about him, and each other, in their books. If this is what happened to the winning commander, I wondered what had happened to the other man in the photo.

The result was a revelation.

It turns out that General Niazi has been my ‘enemy’ since the Second World War. As Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and his Indian National Army fought on the Burma front in 1943-45 in their quest for India’s freedom, Niazi was fighting on the other side, for the British Indian Army, under the overall command of General (later Field Marshal) William Joseph Slim. Slim and his 14th Army halted the advance of the INA and the Japanese at the Imphal campaign and turned the course of the war.

In the process of inflicting military defeat upon my ancestor, Niazi’s performance was so exceptional that the British awarded him an on-the-spot Military Cross for action on the Assam-Burma front in June 1944. On another occasion they wanted to award a DSO, but he was too junior, so a Mention in Despatches was recorded. In the original record of his MC signed by his commanding officers all the way up to Slim, which I obtained from theBritish Ministry of Defence, the British commanders describe Niazi’s gallantry in detail: “He organized the attack with such skill that his leading platoon succeeded in achieving complete surprise over the enemy.” They speak of how he personally led his men, the ‘great skill and coolness’ under fire with which he changed tactics with changing circumstances, created diversionary attacks, extricated his wounded, defeated the enemy and withdrew his men by section, remaining personally at the rear in every case.

The British honoured Niazi for “personal leadership, bravery and complete disregard for his own personal safety.” On 15 December 1944 the Viceroy Lord Wavell flew to Imphal and in the presence of Lord Mountbatten knighted Slim and his corps commanders Stopford, Scoones and Christison. Only two ‘Indian’ officers were chosen to be decorated by the Viceroy at that ceremony — ‘Tiger’ Niazi was one of them.

In 1971 Niazi was a highly decorated Pakistani general, twice receiving the Hilal-e-Jurat. He was sent to East Pakistan in April 1971 — part of a sorry tradition in South Asia of political rulers attempting to find military solutions to political problems. By then Tikka Khan had already launched the crackdown of 25 March for which he has been known to Bengalis as the ‘butcher of Bengal’ ever since. The population of East Bengal was completely hostile and Pakistan condemned around the world.

Authoritative scholarly analyses of 1971 are rare. The best work is Richard Sisson and Leo Rose’s War and Secession.

Robert Jackson, fellow of All Soul’s College, Oxford, wrote an account shortly after the events. Most of the principal participants did not write about it, a notable exception being Gen. Niazi’s recent memoirs (1998).Some Indian officers have written books of uneven quality — they make for an embarrassing read for what the Indians have to say about one another.

However, a consistent picture emerges from the more objective accounts of the war. Sisson and Rose describe how India started assisting Bengali rebels since April, but “the Muktib Bahini had not been able to prevent the Pakistani army from regaining control over all the major urban centers on the East Pakistani-Indian border and even establishing a tenuous authority in most of the rural areas.” From July to October there was direct involvement of Indian military personnel. “...mid-October to 20 November... Indian artillery was used much more extensively in support ...and Indian military forces, including tanks and air power on a few occasions, were also used...Indian units were withdrawn to Indian territory once their objectives had been brought under the control of the Mukti Bahini — though at times this was only for short periods, as, to the irritation of the Indians, the Mukti Bahini forces rarely held their ground when the Pakistani army launched a counterattack.”

Clearly, the Pakistani army regained East Pakistan for their masters in Islamabad by April-May, creating an opportunity for a political settlement, and held off both Bengali guerrillas and their Indian supporters till November, buying more time — time and opportunity that Pakistan’s rulers and politicians failed to utilise.

Contrary to Indian reports, full-scale war between India and Pakistan started in East Bengal on 21 November, making it a four-week war rather than a ‘lightning campaign’. Sisson and Rose state bluntly: “After the night of 21 November...Indian forces did not withdraw. From 21 to 25 November several Indian army divisions...launched simultaneous military actions on all of the key border regions of East Pakistan, and from all directions, with both armored and air support.” Indian officers like Sukhwant Singh and Lachhman Singh write quite openly in their books about India invading East Pakistani territory in November, which they knew was ‘an act of war’.

None of the outside scholars expected the Eastern garrison to withstand a full Indian invasion. On the contrary, Pakistan’s longstanding strategy was “the defense of the east is in the west”. Jackson writes, “Pakistani forces had largely withdrawn from scattered border-protection duties into cleverly fortified defensive positions at the major centres inside the frontiers, where they held all the major ‘place names’ against Mukti Bahini attacks, and blocked the routes of entry from India...”

Sisson and Rose point out the incongruity of Islamabad tolerating India’s invasion of East Pakistani territory in November. On 30 November Niazi received a message from General Hamid stating, “The whole nation is proud of you and you have their full support.” The same day Islamabad decided to launch an attack in the West on 2 December, later postponed to 3 December, after a two-week wait, but did not inform the Eastern command about it. According to Jackson, the Western offensive was frustrated by 10 December.

Though futile, the Western offensive allowed India to openly invade the East, with overwhelming advantages. “ ...despite all these advantages, the war did not go as smoothly and easily for the Indian army...”, but Sisson and Rose come to the balanced judgment that “The Pakistanis fought hard and well; the Indian army won an impressive victory.” Even Indian officers concede the personal bravery of Niazi and the spirited fight put up by the Pakistanis in the East. That the troops fought so well against such overwhelming odds is a credit both to them, and to their commanders, for an army does not fight well in the absence of good leadership.

However, as Jackson put it, “...India’s success was inevitable from the moment the general war broke out — unless diplomatic intervention could frustrate it.” As is well known, Pakistan failed to secure military or diplomatic intervention. Sisson and Rose also say, “The outcome of the conflict on the eastern front after 6 December was not in doubt, as the Indian military had all the advantages.” On 14 December Niazi received the following message from Yahya Khan: “You have fought a heroic battle against overwhelming odds. The nation is proud of you ...You have now reached a stage where further resistance is no longer humanly possible nor will it serve any useful purpose... You should now take all necessary measures to stop the fighting and preserve the lives of armed forces personnel, all those from West Pakistan and all loyal elements...” Sisson and Rose naturally describe this message as “implying that the armed forces in East Pakistan should surrender”.

No matter how traumatic the outcome of 1971 for Pakistan, the Eastern command did not create the conflict, nor were they responsible for the failure of the political and diplomatic process. Sent to do the dirty work of the political manoeuvrers, the fighting men seem to have performed remarkably well against overwhelming odds. It is shocking therefore to discover that they were not received with honour by their nation on their return. Their commander, Niazi, appears to have been singled out, along with one aide, to be punished arbitrarily with dismissal and denial of pension, without being given the basic right to defend himself through a court-martial, which he asked for.

The commission set up allegedly to examine what had happened in 1971 was too flawed in its terms of reference and report to have any international credibility. However, even its recommendations of holding public trials and courtmartials were ignored. There is much for Pakistan to come to terms with what happened in 1971. But the answers don’t lie in unthinking vilification of the fighting men who performed so well in the war against such heavy odds in defence of the national policy. Rather, in failing to honour them, the nation dishonours itself.
Sarmila Bose is the niece of Subhas Chandra Bose or Netaji of Indian National Army fame who fought against the British supporting the Japanese. He is considered as a great hero in Bengal and India. Sarmila Bose is Assistant Editor, Ananda Bazar Patrika, India & Visiting Scholar, Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University.

DIFFERENT VIEWS OF NATION
1.
MAHFOOZ A. JAFRY says:
November 27, 2010 at 11:40 am

Mr. Sheikh Mujib was a traitor of Pakistan and friend of Hindu and India. Please see his speeches before and after liberation of Bangladesh. He was an arrogant nationalist and secular leader who destroyed the Muslim unity. Muslims of undevided India made Pakistan possible and among Muslims he will be considered as traitor for inviting Hindu and Indian Army to help him and destroy Pakistan. No one talks about thousands of Pakistani and Beharis killed by Bengalis and Mukhti Bahini and still thousands are stranded there and willing to come to Pakistan and Pakistan is denying to take them. They were uproated from their houses and many were killed. the Pakistani leadership is also not free from carried atrocities. As a final conclusion, we left Islam and its teachings behind and we suffered and we are suffering and blaming each other.
Mahfooz A. jAFRY
2.
G Khan says:
November 28, 2010 at 3:46 pm

I want to mention that Gen Niazi's surrender was need of the hour and were orders from Yahya Khan. Which I quote, “Niazi in order to save West you have to give up East”. Governor Malik before resigning told Niazi , it is time you shouldthink about saving West Pakistan. The Indian commander gave Niazi an ultimatum that if he did not agree to surrender on the 16th Dec at 9 am sharp there will be open bombardment on all the major cities and the seaports of East Bengal. Earlier they had bombarded the governor house, an orphanage killing young, innocent orphan children. Seeing his war record, a general who was thirteenth on the list of seniority was chosen for this job. He is a recipient of 24 medals. During second World War, his name was mentioned in Dispatches. He was given a commendation card, the title of Tiger, known as a man of crisis. From Second World War he was always given tough and challenging job and was chosen to combat with the Japanese. In 1965 war he was given the command of 14 Para Brigade, which was called in emergency at all the Fronts where there was crisis. Poems were written on him by prominent poets. He sacrificed his honorable career and his reputation of a winning soldier. He had planned the defense line of Lahore and his name was always in the headlines of the newspapers appreciating his dedication as a soldier.

His lifelong commitment to Armed forces and his reputation as a fighting soldier was at stake. With a sinking heart he obeyed the orders from G.H.Q. He agreed for a cease fire which the Indian commander forced in to surrender. He laid down arms to save the lives of his Bengali brothers and sisters, their possessions, their cities and factories, their seaports and air bases. He could not see them destroyed.

On the Western border Pakistan lost more than 5500 square miles in 10 days and Bhutto Saab tore the papers of Polish Resolution
which would have helped in ceasefire on the Western border and a political solution in East Pakistan, where Mr Mujib was a winning Politician , in fact paving way for a Democrative Government.

Under these conditions Niazi was forced to lay down arms otherwise there would have been no chance of ceasefire on the western borders. He told the Indian commander that under no condition will he leave even a single West Pakistani behind in East Pakistan.

He tried to send as many children, women, sick and wounded in two or three helicopters through Burma. In 1974 when prisoners of war were coming back Niazi was the last one to cross the Indian border. He had a reputation of a soldiers’ general and he proved it. The officers who had come to see him off told him ; “Tiger your goose has been cooked…according to our intelligence agencies..your Govt has decided to lay all the blame on you...” Niazi said “i do not believe you, they can never do this to me. So he came back with the view that he will get some credit for saving the lives of Bengali brothers and paving the way for ceasefire and saving West Pakistan. But he was in a shock. Hamud ur rehman commission report was already written without the testimony of prisoners of war and only the last chapters were added on their return. The officers were briefed by Gen Aftab who had formed a commission, known as Aftab Commission to give pre-planned answers to the questions without taking oath on the Quran. In order to save their lives and jobs the witnesses gave them the answers they were briefed. On the other hand Gen Niazi was not given access to the records of his conversations; telegrams fax’s messages with the General Head Quarters.
3.
asif haroon raja says:
November 29, 2010 at 10:28 am

Please read my book titled 'Roots of 1971 tragedy, published by Sang-e-Meel, Lahore. It gives out all the details and answers to almost all the queries on 1971 war including role of Gen Niazi.
4.
G Khan says:
November 30, 2010 at 3:53 pm

This article was written seven years a go and was published in Daily Times...........G Khan
5.
G Khan says:
December 1, 2010 at 6:42 pm

Lt Gen Niazi asked for an open trial so that he could clear his name and all the allegations of which he was falsely accused by Hamood Ur Rehman commission Report.He wrote several letters to the G H Q.....Presidents ,Prime Ministers,of every regime, from the day he came back from India, till the day he died,but his wish was denied.Orders were given by Mister Bhutto that get Niazi whether dead or alive when the General started coming out in the public, he was arrested when he was addressing a group in Hyderabad and was locked up in Sukkur jail for more than a year...It was a chance incident that when Mr Bhutto was arrested he was brought to the same jail,he sent several messages to Gen Niazi to meet him and said he was misled by his staff and people around him,but now he knew about the truth,that he was falsely accused,when we go out we will work out things together,but Gen Niazi refused to meet him , Allah Almighty is great ,there was a time when he refused to meet Niazi and now he was begging to meet him.When Gen Niazi was shifted to his residence in Lahore he was kept under house arrest by Gen Zia for no obvious reasons,not even his own children were allowed to meet him. What was he being punished for ? for saving his Country ?The Indian Armed Forces had planned that after taking over Dhaka which Pak Army at the most could have defended just for a month ,because they were outnumbered by Indian Army ,the ratio was one to eight,...with out proper arms and Ammunition Tanks Guns ,Air force and Navy .India had eight Divisions ,Air force with Vikrant used as a runway for the landing and take off of the Jets ,they had proper Navy ,there were two lack Mukti Bhannis who were helping them and the locals who were also helping them day and night and camouflaging them and giving them all the news about the movement of Pakistan Army ,and Indian Army had proper trained Frog Man by the Russians who were expert in under water swimming thus it was easy for them to cross rivers..Pakistan had 45000 men which included Army,Navy,Air force personnel and police force ,Rangers,Doctors Nurses Orderlies ,clerks Sweepers etc.The Indian Govt had planned to shift all the eight divisions ,Air force and Navy to West Pakistan borders after taking over Dhaka which Pak Army could not have held for more than a month...as no help was coming from West Pakistan ,because Yahya ordered an Offensive attack on the western border on the third of December with out informing Gen Niazi and that gave Indian Army the chance to declare open war thus cutting off all the contacts of East Pakistan with West Pakistan, although Gen Niazi had requested them to wait for the monsoons when the rivers are over flowing and would have created difficulties for the Indians to attack,although they knew that because of the snow on the Chinese borders in Dec the additional Indian division would join in the Eastern Border. Pak Govt was hoping China would come to help Pak Army in the East , but China did not intervene and same was the case with the most promised America's seventh Fleet.What would have happened to West Pakistan if Gen Niazi had not surrendered.?i ask all the Citizens , Pakistan Armed Forces and the Politicians of Islamic Republic of Pakistan,was the Eastern Command {Gen Niazi} ONE MAN ARMY ??? was he so powerful that G H Q could not handle him? .There were six other Generals present in East Pakistan ,if Niazi,s strategies were wrong , why didn't they took over,why was he not arrested ,there could have been a coup also .Gen Tikka was remover just after 15 days ,Gen Niazi was there for eight months..if he was a bad Commander how come in less than one month he had marked back the International Boundaries of East Pakistan , brought back all the Refugees from India and Foreign News Media men who were exiled by Tikka? What was he punished for ?why was he deprived of his hard earned Pension? why was he forced to vacate his residence when he had no place to move to as the residence he was building was being built at slow pace because of financial problems.....There are so many unanswered Questions ????????
6.
G Khan says:
December 1, 2010 at 6:43 pm

Lt Gen Niazi asked for an open trial so that he could clear his name and all the allegations of which he was falsely accused by Hamood Ur Rehman commission Report.He wrote several letters to the G H Q.....Presidents ,Prime Ministers,of every regime, from the day he came back from India, till the day he died,but his wish was denied.Orders were given by Mister Bhutto that get Niazi whether dead or alive when the General started coming out in the public, he was arrested when he was addressing a group in Hyderabad and was locked up in Sukkur jail for more than a year...It was a chance incident that when Mr Bhutto was arrested he was brought to the same jail,he sent several messages to Gen Niazi to meet him and said he was misled by his staff and people around him,but now he knew about the truth,that he was falsely accused,when we go out we will work out things together,but Gen Niazi refused to meet him , Allah Almighty is great ,there was a time when he refused to meet Niazi and now he was begging to meet him.When Gen Niazi was shifted to his residence in Lahore he was kept under house arrest by Gen Zia for no obvious reasons,not even his own children were allowed to meet him. What was he being punished for ? for saving his Country ?The Indian Armed Forces had planned that after taking over Dhaka which Pak Army at the most could have defended just for a month ,because they were outnumbered by Indian Army ,the ratio was one to eight,...with out proper arms and Ammunition Tanks Guns ,Air force and Navy .India had eight Divisions ,Air force with Vikrant used as a runway for the landing and take off of the Jets ,they had proper Navy ,there were two lack Mukti Bhannis who were helping them and the locals who were also helping them day and night and camouflaging them and giving them all the news about the movement of Pakistan Army ,and Indian Army had proper trained Frog Man by the Russians who were expert in under water swimming thus it was easy for them to cross rivers..Pakistan had 45000 men which included Army,Navy,Air force personnel and police force ,Rangers,Doctors Nurses Orderlies ,clerks Sweepers etc.The Indian Govt had planned to shift all the eight divisions ,Air force and Navy to West Pakistan borders after taking over Dhaka which Pak Army could not have held for more than a month...as no help was coming from West Pakistan ,because Yahya ordered an Offensive attack on the western border on the third of December with out informing Gen Niazi and that gave Indian Army the chance to declare open war thus cutting off all the contacts of East Pakistan with West Pakistan, although Gen Niazi had requested them to wait for the monsoons when the rivers are over flowing and would have created difficulties for the Indians to attack,although they knew that because of the snow on the Chinese borders in Dec the additional Indian division would join in the Eastern Border. Pak Govt was hoping China would come to help Pak Army in the East , but China did not intervene and same was the case with the most promised America\'s seventh Fleet.What would have happened to West Pakistan if Gen Niazi had not surrendered.?i ask all the Citizens , Pakistan Armed Forces and the Politicians of Islamic Republic of Pakistan,was the Eastern Command {Gen Niazi} ONE MAN ARMY ??? was he so powerful that G H Q could not handle him? .There were six other Generals present in East Pakistan ,if Niazi,s strategies were wrong , why didn\'t they took over,why was he not arrested ,there could have been a coup also .Gen Tikka was remover just after 15 days ,Gen Niazi was there for eight months..if he was a bad Commander how come in less than one month he had marked back the International Boundaries of East Pakistan , brought back all the Refugees from India and Foreign News Media men who were exiled by Tikka? What was he punished for ?why was he deprived of his hard earned Pension? why was he forced to vacate his residence when he had no place to move to as the residence he was building was being built at slow pace because of financial problems.....There are so many unanswered Questions ????????
7.
G Khan says:
December 1, 2010 at 7:11 pm

I would request the viewers to read ,,The Betrayal of East Pakistan ,, written in English and the Urdu version ,, Sana i mashraki Pakistan ,tasveer ka doosra Rukh in this copy Gen Niazi,s own view about Hamood ur Rehman commission report is added ,the books were written by Lt Gen Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi...published by Oxford University Press..
8.
Rizwan hmad says:
January 15, 2011 at 2:30 pm

Bhutto, Mujeebur Rehman and Indra Gandhi were responsible for the break Up of Pakistan and what happened with all of them.

zara num ho to ye matti bari zerhaiz he saqi (World records by Pakistani's)

Pakistan made national anthem world record

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NKmhMTyM0rg

Zafar Gill of Pakistan, Guinness Book World Record Holder

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9aQH-Kyj27k&feature=related

Real Superman in Pakistan(Breaks stone with hand)

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d8eEyNJpnhY&feature=related

Muhammad awais makes snaps on rice and needle of personalities in Sialkot

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WWzP-pBbEsM&feature=related

19 Girls in One Car - World Record in Karachi

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WOrSxIzZI2o&feature=related

Pakistani Ali breaks 800 year old record

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9hlMDDP1xhE&feature=related

The Youngest Microsoft Certified Professional in the World

http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=endscreen&v=f1eDi_Ul5zw&NR=1


jawad iqbal gaba world record pakistani

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2fwGddm3poI&feature=related

World Record By Pakistani Boy (Proud to be Pakistani)working with Microsoft introduced new technologies

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vslZ_mG97nY&feature=related

world record holder pakistani sitara brooj

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KDmo9W6jyww&feature=related

An Unbelievable Pakistani Man eats dozen peoples food

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=c4ltUnUQZc0&feature=related

Another Pakistani student got "23 A grades" in O-Levels,

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SVWl_KaFtIM&feature=related

Pakistani kid made a system through which you can control your home with touch screen and mobile

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ftOFQtE_coA&feature=related

Pakistani Real Chris angel (Record holder in Guinness book)

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rFJe6pgBS9w&feature=related

World Records by Pakistanis

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TEhQEZe4PFY

Thursday, December 15, 2011

IPHONE 4



The dual-core A5 chip delivers even more power. The 8MP camera with all-new optics also shoots 1080p HD video. And if there’s anything else you need, just ask Siri.








Siri. The intelligent assistant that helps you get
things done. All you have to do is ask.
Watch the Siri video

Now you can use your voice to use your iPhone. Just talk to Siri as you would to a person: “Do I need an umbrella?” or “Any great burgers around here?” or “Where’s the closest ATM?” Siri not only understands what you say, it knows what you mean.1 It figures out the right apps to use to find the right answer. Then, just like a personal assistant, it answers you. Siri makes phone calls, sends messages, schedules meetings, sets reminders, and more. How much more? Just ask, and Siri tells you that, too.

It understands what you say.

Talk to Siri as you would to a person. Say something like “Tell my wife I’m running late.” “Remind me to call the vet.” “Any good burger joints around here?” Siri does what you say, finds the information you need, then answers you. It’s like you’re having a conversation with your iPhone.
It knows what you mean.

Siri not only understands what you say, it’s smart enough to know what you mean. So when you ask “Any good burger joints around here?” Siri will reply “I found a number of burger restaurants near you.” Then you can say “Hmm. How about tacos?” Siri remembers that you just asked about restaurants, so it will look for Mexican restaurants in the neighborhood. And Siri is proactive, so it will question you until it finds what you’re looking for.
It helps you do the things you do every day.

Ask Siri to text your dad, remind you to call the dentist, or find directions, and it figures out which apps to use and who you’re talking about. It finds answers for you from the web through sources like Yelp and WolframAlpha. Using Location Services, it looks up where you live, where you work, and where you are. Then it gives you information and the best options based on your current location. From the details in your contacts, it knows your friends, family, boss, and coworkers. So you can tell Siri things like “Text Ryan I’m on my way” or “Remind me to make a dentist appointment when I get to work” or “Call a taxi” and it knows exactly what you mean and what to do.
Siri Frequently Asked Questions

Read answers to common questions and learn how Siri works. See the Siri FAQ
It has so much to tell you.

When there’s something you need to do, just ask Siri to help you do it. Siri uses almost all the built-in apps on iPhone 4S. It writes and sends email messages and texts. It searches the web for anything you need to know. It plays the songs you want to hear. It gives you directions and shows you around. It places calls, schedules meetings, helps you remember, and wakes you up. In fact, ask Siri what it can do — it even speaks for itself.
Set reminders.

Tell Siri what you need to do. Even say when and where you need reminding.
Send a text.

Say who it’s for and what the message should say, and Siri writes and sends your text.
Check the weather.

Siri gives you the forecast for where you are or anywhere you’re curious about.
Find information.

Ask Siri almost anything and it finds the answer using sources like Yelp and WolframAlpha.
Schedule meetings.

Just say who, what, where, and when. Siri puts it on your calendar and sends an invitation.
Send an email.

Ask Siri to write and send email. It can even send an email to more than one person.
Find a contact.

Say a name, and Siri finds the address, phone number, and other details from your contacts.
Set an alarm.

Tell Siri to set an alarm for a particular time. You can ask it to set as many as you need.
Get directions.

Ask something like “Where’s Apple?” and Siri tells you the address and how to get there.
Track your stocks.

Just say the company name, and Siri keeps you up to date with stock details.
Set the timer.

Tell Siri how much time you need, and it alerts you when time’s up.
Ask Siri about Siri.

Ask “What can you do?” and Siri tells you everything you need to know.

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iPhone 4S takes dictation.

Here’s another amazing way to get things done: just use your voice. Instead of typing, tap the microphone icon on the keyboard. Then say what you want to say and iPhone listens. Tap Done, and iPhone converts your words into text. Use dictation to write messages, take notes, search the web, and more. Dictation also works with third-party apps, so you can update your Facebook status, tweet, or write and send Instagrams.





Dual-core A5 chip.
The most powerful iPhone ever.

Two cores in the A5 chip deliver up to two times more power and up to seven times faster graphics.2 And you’ll feel the effects. Fast. iPhone 4S is quick and responsive, which makes all the difference when you’re launching apps, browsing the web, gaming, and doing just about everything. And no matter what you’re doing, you can keep on doing it. Because the A5 chip is so power-efficient, iPhone 4S has outstanding battery life.


The you-can’t-believe-it’s-on-a-phone camera.
View the gallery
Photo Gallery: Unretouched photos taken using iPhone 4S.
Tap anywhere to zoom in Tap anywhere to zoom out
Download full-resolution photo

This just might be the best camera ever on a phone. And with all-new optics, it just might be the only camera you need. Because behind every shot, you’ve got 8-megapixel resolution and a custom lens with a larger f/2.4 aperture. Not to mention an improved backside illumination sensor, excellent auto white balance, advanced color accuracy, face detection, and reduced motion blur. It all means that no matter how many people, how much light, and how much action you capture, everything looks exactly as it should. And just wait until you see the photos.

The iPhone 4S camera gives you 8 megapixels — that’s 60 percent more pixels than the camera on iPhone 4. And they’re engineered with a higher, full-well capacity to collect even more light. With more megapixels and more light, you’ll see a dramatic difference in the resolution and details of your images.


Video recording. In 1080p amazing HD.
See it in action

Shoot stunning 1080p HD video everywhere you go. With all-new optics, the light is always right, the color is always vivid, and everything will look even better than you remember. Video stabilization steadies shaky shots. And you can edit video right on iPhone and share your lush life as fast as you shoot.

Record amazing 1080p HD video at 30 frames per second. The advanced backside illumination sensor and larger aperture let in even more light. Improved auto white balance makes color even more accurate. And temporal noise reduction helps you take great videos in low light.


iOS. The world’s most advanced mobile operating system. And the easiest to use.

With every iOS advancement come even easier ways to do everything. That’s what makes iOS years ahead of anything else. iOS 5 leaps even further ahead, bringing over 200 new features to iPhone 4S. Here are just a few of our favorites.



Notification Center

It’s one place to see what’s new. Preview your latest texts, email messages, reminders, friend requests, and more.
iMessage

Send messages to any iPhone, iPad, or iPod touch running iOS 5. It’s unlimited. So you can say as much as you want.
Twitter Integration

Sign in once under Settings and tweet directly from Safari, Photos, Camera, YouTube, and Maps.


iCloud is the easiest way to manage all your stuff, because it manages it all for you. iCloud stores your music, photos, apps, mail, contacts, calendars, documents, and more. And wirelessly pushes them to all your devices. It’s automatic, effortless, and seamless. And it just works.


With iCloud, the music you buy in iTunes appears automatically on all your devices. You can also download your past iTunes purchases. So your music collection goes where you go.


Retina display.
Clearly remarkable.

The sharpest, most vibrant thing you’ll see on iPhone 4S is everything. The Retina display is the highest-resolution phone screen ever. In fact, the pixel density is so high that the human eye is unable to distinguish individual pixels. But without a doubt, you’ll notice crisp text, sharp graphics, and stunning images. It’s more remarkable than the printed page. And you’ll be completely absorbed.


FaceTime. It’s even better face-to-face.

FaceTime lets you hear a voice and see the face that goes with it — iPhone to iPhone, iPad 2, iPod touch, or Mac over Wi-Fi.5 So no matter where they are, no matter where you are, you’ll always be there. Making a FaceTime call is just as easy as making a phone call. And it’s even easier with Siri. Just tell Siri “FaceTime with Mom” and you show up, smile, and wave hello. You’ll never miss a big event, an important meeting, or a good laugh. And who wouldn’t be happy to see your face?


AirPlay. From the small screen to the big screen.

With AirPlay, you can wirelessly stream what’s on your iPhone to your HDTV and speakers via Apple TV.6 And with AirPlay Mirroring, whatever you see and do on your iPhone appears on your HDTV at the same time.



AirPrint.
Print everything wirelessly.

Print your email, photos, web pages, and documents right from your iPhone over Wi-Fi.7 There’s no software to download, no drivers to install, and no cables to connect. With just a few taps, you can go from viewing something on the iPhone screen to holding a printed copy.



Call it better, faster, and even more worldly.

iPhone 4S is the first phone to intelligently switch between two antennas to transmit and receive, so call quality is better. It also doubles the maximum HSDPA data speeds to 14.4 Mbps.8 Which means faster connections, faster loading and reloading, and faster downloads. And iPhone 4S is a world phone, so you can use it almost anywhere. Whether you’re a GSM or CDMA customer, you can roam GSM networks in 200 countries around the world.
Maximum Data Download Speeds (HSDPA)

iPhone 4S
14.4 Mbps
iPhone 4
7.2 Mbps


Built-in apps. They do just about everything. So you can, too.

You’ll do everyday things in extraordinary ways on iPhone 4S. Take amazing photos and shoot HD video. See your friends and family with FaceTime. Browse the web on the Retina display. Check email. Send messages. Set reminders. Check calendars. Or just ask Siri to help you get things done — it figures out the right apps to use.


Protection for your iPhone.

Every iPhone comes with one year of hardware repair coverage and 90 days of telephone technical support. AppleCare+ for iPhone extends repair coverage and technical support to two years and adds accidental damage protection for your iPhone.

* Extends repair coverage and technical support to two years from the original purchase date of your iPhone.
* Apple experts can answer questions and help solve problems over the phone or at an Apple Retail Store.
* Provides comprehensive repair coverage including up to two incidents of accidental damage coverage.